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Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussions of racism, violence motivated by racism, alcohol addiction, and sexual assault.
History is often cyclical rather than linear, and in the rhetoric and tactics of D. C. Stephenson, there are clear antecedents. Corruption in politics has existed since societies began to organize themselves under leaders. In the aftermath of the Civil War, William “Boss” Tweed led a ring of corruption that dominated New York City politics for years: “Tweed doled out thousands of jobs and lucrative contracts as patronage, and he expected favors, bribes, and kickbacks in return” (“William ‘Boss’ Tweed and Political Machines.” Bill of Rights Institute). Stephenson, as charismatic as Tweed himself, took a cue from history and replicated Tweed’s tactics, although with a grimmer motive—the establishment of white supremacy as national creed. Using his power as head of Indiana’s Klan, Stephenson skimmed from the profits of Klan membership fees; he used his political influence to buy legislators, judges, and police chiefs; he expected kickbacks from infrastructure contracts; and once in prison, he expected favors from politicians he helped install in office. However, when it mattered, those politicians (particularly Indiana governor Ed Jackson) refused Stephenson’s quid pro quo demands and allowed justice to run its course.
Corruption certainly hasn’t died with Stephenson or the Gilded Age. Plenty of contemporary examples exist. In the 1970s, Vice President Spiro Agnew was driven from office by his extortion racket, begun while governor of Maryland and continued during his tenure as vice president. When cornered by a group of prosecutors, Agnew, like Stephenson, vilified his accusers and labeled their campaign a partisan witch hunt. Agnew’s combative style, which had won him many admirers and served him well up to that point, proved his undoing as evidence mounted against him and all he could do was “counterpunch.” Similarly, Stephenson’s cries of victimhood ultimately began to ring false as the evidence of his crimes came to light. His sexual predation and his drinking, once overlooked by his devoted flock, become too obvious to ignore, and he was dragged down into a well of his own hypocrisy.
Current events prove that the racism and violence of the 1920s were not an aberration of the past. The rise in attacks on marginalized racial and ethnic groups, the clamor to “build the wall,” the description of neo-Nazis as “fine people,” and the demonization of immigrants as un-American or unworthy of citizenship echo rhetoric from a century prior. The lesson is as clear today as it was 100 years ago: Exploiting fear for personal gain is a timeless political strategy, one that threatens to cast a dark pall over America today just as it did when a grifter named D. C. Stephenson drifted into the heartland.
Hate groups are certainly not exclusive to the United States, but they do have a history of resurfacing there after periods of dormancy. The rise of hate groups like the KKK or the Proud Boys do not happen in a vacuum but as a response to other social or political developments. The resurgence of the Klan in the 1920s was in part a reaction to World War I and to the surge in immigration from southern and eastern Europe. Post-war America retreated into itself, resisting efforts to engage in geopolitics. Fighting a war in which many Americans did not have a personal stake created an isolationist political environment. Coupled with that isolationism was a desire to preserve the sanctity of what many believed America was destined to be: white and Protestant. With the arrival of Jews and Irish and Italian Catholics, many feared the dilution of that white, Protestant homogeny. Conveniently forgotten or disregarded was the ethic of America as a welcoming place of diversity. In its place were now-debunked theories of eugenics, of the superiority of whiteness over all others, and The Links Between Racism and Religion. The proclamations of Jesus to “love thy neighbor” were replaced by admonitions from preachers to protect women “from predatory Blacks and lecherous Catholics” (114).
Cultural influences, such as D. W. Griffith’s 1915 film The Birth of a Nation, also played a role in softening the KKK’s image. The film played upon the “Lost Cause” narrative, falsely depicting the Klan as a noble band of warriors protecting a wronged South from profit-seeking Northerners and the predation of formerly enslaved Black men. The film further entrenched Reconstruction-era stereotypes and false narratives about the Civil War and primed Americans for the Klan’s revival and expansion.
While attitudes have evolved since Stephenson’s time—George Floyd’s murder resulted in protests and convictions, laws against hate crimes are commonplace, and a greater number of Americans see immigrants as an asset rather than a liability—social gains by marginalized peoples, changing demographics, and surges in immigration have once again spawned a backlash. Proponents of “replacement theory” have taken a page directly from history, arguing that Jews are engaging in “white genocide.” Theories of eugenics have resurfaced, and Confederate flags still fly proudly. Large swaths of “White America”—seeing the country shift from majority white to barely majority white—are frightened, and immigrants are a convenient target, especially when blame issues from the mouths of ideologues. Culturally, the US has always struggled to balance the tension between its promise as a place where, according to the Statue of Liberty’s plaque, “your tired, your poor, / Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free” are welcome and encouraged (Lazarus, Emma. “The New Colossus.” 1883. Poetry Foundation) and a place of fear, where the racial “other” is seen as a pollutant and must be excluded to preserve some imagined ideal America. Egan suggests that tension will never be resolved, but advocates of a better America must be diligent, ready to oppose racism whenever it resurfaces.
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