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57 pages 1 hour read

American Prison: A Reporter’s Undercover Journey into the Business of Punishment

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2018

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Chapters 14-17Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 14 Summary

In the late 1800s, as convict leasing became widespread, the leases were increasingly owned by large corporations rather than individual businessmen. The Tennessee Coal, Iron, and Railroad Company (TCI) managed 15,000 convict laborers, mostly in their coal mines. The mortality rate was high—18 percent in 1889—and “[w]hen a prisoner died, he was typically buried among the mine’s refuse” (151). The high rate of death among Black men was attributed not to the deplorable working conditions, but to the absence of a slave master who might otherwise care for them.

Former slave owner Arthur Colyar established a foothold in the convict leasing industry as the founder of TCI. His convict labor knew no age limit, sometimes employing children as young as 12. Attempting to maximize his resources, he collected their urine to sell to tanneries and, if they died, he sold their bodies to a local medical school. Another great advantage of convict labor was its deterrent to union organizing. As long as convict labor was available to take over mining jobs, free miners were less likely to strike for better working conditions.

In the 1890s, as free miners began demanding better working conditions, the protests turned violent. Earlier, TCI miners had destroyed barracks used to house convict labor, angry at the use of inmates to drive down wages and disincentivize labor organizing. When the miners refused to sign a harsh new contract that precluded striking and paid workers in “scrip” that could only be exchanged for goods at the company store, a battle erupted between labor and management, which called in the state militia. When the miners brought in 1500 armed men, the state legislature intervened but only to “fortify the prisoner labor system” (155). In response, 1000 miners stormed a TCI stockade, freeing, clothing, and feeding prisoners. The siege continued through the night until about 450 prisoners were liberated. Meanwhile, the violence continued to escalate. The company cut free miners’ work time while increasing the workload of convict laborers. It built military fortifications around convict barricades, but armed conflict only continued. Eventually, the battles with the free miners and the expense of liberated prisoners took an economic toll. States began to lose money on convict leasing, and, in 1893, Tennessee ended its program. That did not end the practice of convict leasing, however, and, in 1907, US Steel bought out TCI. It continued leasing convicts from the state despite its CEO’s claims that he opposed the practice.

Chapter 15 Summary

One day, Bauer is assigned to suicide watch, and the unit is filled with clouds of pepper spray. The SORT officers in charge spray an inmate believing he is hiding a weapon. The inmate moans in pain, but the officers ignore him. Winn’s usage of chemical agents is seven times higher than that of Angola, the largest state penitentiary in Louisiana. Although there is no gang culture at Winn, a CCA prison in Idaho was accused of allowing gangs to discipline prisoners. An FBI investigation found rampant inmate violence at the Idaho facility, but CCA was never sanctioned.

One of the inmates on regular suicide watch, Damien Coestly, is moved to a segregation cell with an older man with mental health issues. Despite threatening suicide several times, the SORT officers ignore Coestly’s pleas. When Coestly hangs himself from a bedsheet, the officers are late to respond, and Coestly dies 19 days later. He weighs only 71 pounds. Bauer secretly shares personal video of Coestly with the young man’s mother who laments her ignorance of her son’s plight. Coestly’s troubles were no secret to Winn’s staff, however. Records indicate that both the prison psychologist and a counselor were aware of his suicidal thoughts. A student of the law, Coestly filed repeated grievances against CCA, but the Department of Corrections denied his claims. He also went on hunger strikes to protest his treatment, but his cries for help were dismissed as “playing games and trying to manipulate the system” (166).

Chapter 16 Summary

Despite journalistic exposés and legislative investigations into the humanitarian abuses of convict leasing, what finally began to unravel the practice was declining profits. When Texas plantation owner Edward H. Cunningham lost his monopoly on convict leases, the state was forced to use several smaller companies which only leased the strongest “first-class labor.” Prison superintendent Thomas Goree suggested the state purchase its own plantations on which to employ “second-class laborers, negroes, boys, cripples, such men as we cannot hire out for first-class labor” (169). Surprisingly, the state-owned farms generated a higher profit than the private ones, encouraging the state of Texas to purchase over 20,000 acres of new plantation property. Conditions on state-run plantations were little better than on contract properties. Convicts often mutilated themselves to avoid the harsh working conditions. Nevertheless, state-owned prison farms soon became “the main mode of incarceration for many Southern states” (170). As the cost of leasing convicts rose, the profit margins decreased, and when the cost equaled that of free labor, states began to end their convict leasing programs.

The death knell for the leasing system was the torture and murder of Martin Tabert, a 22-year-old white man arrested in Florida on vagrancy charges and sentenced to three months labor in a lumber camp in the early 1920s. After complaining of health problems due to unsafe working conditions, Tabert was whipped excessively and left to die. His family, suspicious of the company’s version of events in which he supposedly died of pneumonia, launched an investigation, and found collusion between the sheriff and the private prison company. The company settled out of court, paying the family $20,000, and was absolved of all blame. The story generated so much negative publicity that Florida was forced to abandon its convict leasing program. After the brutal murders of thousands of Black men within the convict leasing system, the death of a white man put the final nail in the coffin.

Chapter 17 Summary

Bauer reflects on his complicated relationship with “Tattoo Face,” an inmate who pushes the limits and dares him to do something about it. Bauer attributes this to his “rookie mistakes,” which include treating inmates kindly and second-guessing his decisions. He fears inmates are taking advantage of his compassion, and so he decides to set a few basic boundaries and stick to those without wavering. The job, however, constantly presents a series of ever-shifting challenges—he must not only play the authority game with the inmates, but he also feels tested by fellow COs. Bauer struggles to decide whether to stand with them or do the right thing. Trying to find small moments of humanity carries a cost in status and respect. Out in the yard, an inmate named “Gray Shirt” counsels Bauer about disrespecting prisoners for perceived slights. Respect, he argues, is earned, and if Bauer wants respect, he needs to let things slide more and stop trying so hard. This leads to a conversation about Gray Shirt’s past history with the law, his defiance of authority, and his sexual relationship with a probation officer when he was 13. He also issues a veiled threat, claiming that no price is too high if he wants “a motherfucking CO ass bad enough” (185). Despite the threat, however, Bauer sees Gray Shirt, whose real name is Derik, as honest and a potential bridge between himself and the other inmates.

Later, during recreation time, Bauer confronts an inmate who tries to go out to the yard without authorization. Bauer tries to assert his authority, but the inmate threatens him. After confiding in another CO, hoping the inmate will get sent away, the other officer admits that enforcing discipline is unrealistic without adequate backup. Bauer steps outside for some fresh air, and Derik offers more advice: “Stop coming at people with that uniform. Come at a person like you would treat ‘em in that world” (191). Derik goes on at length about just wanting to be left alone, the pain he felt when his brother died, and his anger at being treated as less than human. Bauer gets pulled in until Derik shows a flash of rage. For a moment, Bauer fears him, realizing the threat is real. That night, after transcribing the recordings from his hidden microphone, he meets Anthony at a bar. Anthony threatens to break the jaw of a guy who beats him at pool, and Bauer secretly hopes a fight will break out “so I can release some tension” (194). After five hours of sleep, an exhausted Bauer gets a speeding ticket on the way to work the next mornin

Chapters 14-17 Analysis

As Bauer struggles to navigate the blurred line between his job and his humanity, insecurities arise. He questions whether the inmates respect him, whether acting tough is the best way to earn that respect, and whether he can treat the inmates with dignity without appearing weak. Answers come in the form of Derik Johnson, an inmate Bauer wants to trust and sees as a potential “bridge” between the very unequal worlds of inmate and guard. Johnson, while offering what seems to be sincere advice, occasionally flashes signs of anger and threats of violence, reminding Bauer that inmates, inured to years of poverty and abuse, always pose a danger. While Bauer admits he actively dislikes some inmates, he devotes almost an entire chapter to his conversations with Johnson, suggesting that he deems this inmate’s advice valuable. In trying to bridge the gap between guard and inmate, Bauer’s reliance on Johnson’s wisdom seems perfectly reasonable, assuming Johnson isn’t simply playing upon the rookie’s naiveté.

Bauer’s doubts about how far to push his authority reflect the dehumanization necessary for the prison system to work. For society to tolerate the harsh conditions of prison, it must see the inmates as brutes who deserve nothing more than the harsh treatment they receive. Even Bauer, once a prisoner himself, must be reminded that inmates are human beings, and that whatever anger or defiance they display is either a product of systemic abuse or a performance meant to generate the same respect Bauer’s authority is meant to confer. Either way, the battle for dignity between inmate and guard becomes a vicious game that neither side can win.

Bauer also continues his historical narrative, following a dark path of money and racism that leads to the torture and death of thousands of mostly Black convicts at the hands of private industry. It comes as no surprise given the prison industry’s history that the convict leasing program ended not because of any high-minded moral concern but rather due to declining profits. Furthermore, the public outcry over convict leasing came only after the death of a white man despite the dehumanizing treatment of countless Black men before him. The use of unpaid labor is so entrenched in the ledgers of the Southern plantation owners that the end of convict leasing simply meant the system would find ways to adapt—as it has since the end of slavery—and find a new way to exploit the disenfranchised.

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