72 pages • 2 hours read
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In Dying of Whiteness, Metzl argues that policies and politicians supported primarily by lower- and middle-class white Americans in the United States heartland significantly impact the health and well-being of all US residents. He argues that voters who generally support GOP tax cuts, healthcare strategies, and loosening gun restrictions do so because these issues are deeply tied to historical ideas of white superiority. Politicians thus draw upon white anxiety to garner support, promising “to make America great again—and, tacitly, white again” (5). However, in an attempt to remain atop the social hierarchy, white Americans are “putting their bodies on the line” (168) to create a system that harms societal well-being.
In Missouri, Tennessee, and Kansas, Metzl illustrates how policies that may not be overtly racist have significant racialized histories and connotations. Gun ownership, for example, was a “privilege” historically granted only to white men, making firearms deeply symbolic of white privilege, autonomy, and masculinity. Furthermore, many interviewees cited the need for protection from imagined “dark-skinned intruders” when they argued against gun restrictions. Likewise, in Tennessee, white men worried about “welfare queens and Mexicans” stealing resources as a reason to oppose the Affordable Care Act. The expansion of Medicaid threatened to create a “network” linking white men to minority groups and, therefore, undermining their authority and autonomy. Finally, in Kansas, conservative legislators repeatedly introduced “race-neutral policies with racially discriminatory effects” that shifted funds away from schools with high populations of minority students (224).
These politics of racial resentment come at a high cost for everyone, even white people. Metzl illustrates how the toxicity of social structures promoting supremacy works only to divide, disadvantage, and damage, even among those who hold positions of power and privilege. Metzl is quick to point out that systems of white supremacy have a “devastating” impact on minority populations; however, his larger argument is that such a system harms everyone, even those it is supposed to keep atop the racial hierarchy. Due to racial resentment, white lives are lost to firearm death by suicide, to treatable diseases due to lack of medical coverage, and to failing education systems.
Racial anxiety causes therefore white individuals to act in ways that end up harming themselves, as policies like expanded access to firearms and reduced access to healthcare become leading manmade causes of death in the US. Instead of the dreaded “other,” Metzl argues that white Americans are “the biggest threats to… themselves” (109). He argues that white Americans need to reassess their conceptions of white identity and to join forces with their fellow citizens to create a better future for all.
Throughout Dying of Whiteness, Metzl tracks the history of certain hotly- contested issues like gun control, healthcare, and taxation to illustrate how they are closely tied to privilege, whiteness, and the nostalgic yearning for an idealized “great” past. This history explains the complexity of why white people are willing to “put their own lives on the line” (5) in support of policies that defend white privilege, even as they “[fail] to defend, honor, or restore” working-class white Americans’ interests (20), or even actively harm lower- and middle-income white communities.
Metzl defines “whiteness” as a “political and economic system” of privileges and benefits (16). Throughout American history, white people across the South have risen up to defend these privileges when they appeared to be under attack, such as during the Civil War or the Civil Rights Movement. Metzl argues that lower- and middle-class white Americans use “whiteness” as a kind of social currency that separates them from working-class people of color. It becomes “compensation” for their low status and “[exploitation] by the organization of capitalism” (17). Therefore, working-class white Americans vote in support of policies that are “self-destructive” because they are defending this structure of whiteness that places them a little higher up the social ladder. While the privilege associated with whiteness does have many “real world benefits,” it is ultimately a system that disservices many, including many lower- and middle-class white people, while privileging very few.
This urge to preserve the institution of whiteness largely comes from a nostalgic longing for an idealized past. When discussing gun control in Missouri, for example, Metzl details the centuries of history linking firearms to white masculinity. He argues that guns became imbued with “nostalgia” and “power” as women and people of color gained rights and entered more directly into social and economic spheres once dominated by white men, giving guns a significance far beyond simply being a weapon or a tool. Therefore, white men cling to firearms as a relic of the authority they held before women and people of color began encroaching on their traditional dominion.
However, this sense of nostalgia is largely illusory. It often represents “a post-childhood longing for an idealized time when things felt coherent; a time that may or may not ever have existed” (195). White Americans in general, and white American men in particular, forget or ignore the reality that “every man was not a king, a boss, a plantation owner, or a CEO” (53). In order for systems of privilege and capitalism to survive, “the majority of men needed to be underlings” (53). For this reason, Metzl argues that ideals of whiteness are more often based on myths and longings than any factual basis.
In Dying of Whiteness, Metzl argues that political parties and partisan news outlets have largely invented modern-day political polarization. Through his research and conversations with the American public, he comes to believe that a “middle ground” is not as far away as the polarized climate of American politics leads many citizens to believe. He suggests that, “if left to their own devices” (84), Americans of different ideologies could more easily find consensus and compromise.
Metzl repeatedly shows how corporations and political parties play into racial histories and insecurities to divide Americans and shore up loyalty. He argues that these divisions “benefit politicians, donors, foreign governments, or corporations by convincing different groups of Americans that they have nothing in common with each other” (3). Policies like the ban on federal funding for research into gun violence create gaps in public knowledge that “politicians and lobbyists then manipulate […] to balkanize everyday people on matters of life, death, and mundane daily routine” (84). GOP politicians attempt to “set people apart” and make them “mistrust” one another by exploiting historical tensions and playing into white Americans’ racial resentment. In this climate, compromise becomes “coded as treason,” and individuals cannot speak up for gun control or expanded access to healthcare without risking ostracization from conservative white communities. Furthermore, things like healthcare and firearms have become deeply tied to white identity, making it that much harder to separate the harmful reality from the symbolic connotations of certain policies.
Over and over, however, the pro-gun, anti-Obamacare Tea Party supporters that Metzl spoke with made small admissions. Missourians who had lost loved ones to gun death by suicide wished for gun safes and background checks; Tennesseans who opposed the ACA lamented the cost of their medication; and Kansans who voted for “small government” demanded that schools be refunded. Metzl calls “survival and well-being […] core human drives” and argues that “people, for the most part, want access to affordable healthcare” (123); they want gun owners to behave responsibly, and they want their children to get a good education. He suggests that the “on-the-ground reality is far more complicated” (3) than the public is led to believe, and many people “remained surprisingly open to compromise” (2).
Ultimately, Metzl asserts that very few benefit from systems that divide and polarize. In order to truly move forward and “[rebut] those who summon the worst demons of American racial history,” he concludes, Americans must prioritize “collective action” and “common good” (290) over traditional racial hierarchies and us-and-them political polarization.
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