Iron Curtain Speech

Churchill opens his speech by positioning himself as an everyman, using humor, and as a man free to speak his own mind. He has “no official mission or status of any kind” (22), so he is about to give his honest opinion.

As the speech begins, even as Churchill acknowledges that it is the United States that stands “at the pinnacle of world power” (22), he includes his own country in his observations about this opportunity. The theme of Working Together emerges early, with the pronoun “you” quickly giving way to “we” and “our.” Nonetheless, to frame his proposal, he adopts the American military approach of establishing an “overall strategic concept” (22). This concept, he argues, must center on giving security to “the wage-earner” and his wife and children. Specifically, the United States, in conjunction with its English-speaking allies, must end two main threats: war and tyranny.

In discussing war as the first threat, Churchill emphasizes how devastating the effects of war have been for the average citizen, especially in Europe. His descriptions of “the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged” during war would have resonated with many among his audience, fresh out of the horrors of the recently ended war (22). Moving on to the question of how to prevent war, he cites the United Nations Organization (UNO). He is explicit about wanting UNO to have military power, though this recommendation has clear boundaries, chiefly that the “secret knowledge” of the atomic bomb should not be shared with the organization. He aligns withholding this knowledge with the will of the Christian god, and he introduces what will be a consistent emphasis on the importance of taking advantage of this valuable window of time: They “have at least a breathing space” before the knowledge spreads (24). Regarding tyranny, he phrases his method carefully. Right now, at least, as their countries are still weakened by war, neither the United States nor Britain should “interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries whom we have not conquered in war” (25). Rather, their countries should focus on setting good examples of democracy. Safe from war and tyranny, the average family will recover from poverty and the other strife the war has inflicted.

Up till this point, Churchill has emphasized, “So far, we are evidently in full agreement” (26). This final marker of mutual agreement foreshadows the somewhat more fraught part of Churchill’s proposal that follows—namely, his call for the “special relationship.” Churchill calls here for far more than just comradery. The two countries must integrate their military efforts, thereby cultivating a much more global military presence. This integration, he argues, is key to allowing the UNO to reach its full potential—strength, after all, is what Russia respects. Moreover, time is short.

Churchill’s emphasis on acting now, as “[p]revention is better than cure” (28), represents a substantial portion of the address. He highlights his own history of accuracy in identifying coming events, and the consequences of the world ignoring him last time. He highlights the dire state of things due to the iron curtain and communism’s expanding influence; the theme of The Spread of the Soviet Sphere of Influence is especially present here. Perhaps most poignantly, though, Churchill tries to shake the United States awake as to how the world has changed. Though the United States has joined world wars twice now, it has only done so after much debate and devastation. Such stalling before taking action is no longer an option. Though presented delicately, there is a critique of the United States at work here.

This critique unfolds more fully as Churchill insists that, despite how grim things seem, war is not inevitable. Soviet Russia wants the fruits of war, not war itself. The United States—via the UNO—must reach a settlement with Russia. The country’s current approach of merely “waiting to see what happens” and adopting “a policy of appeasement” (30), in contrast, is going to fail. Russia must be met with strength, especially military strength; the “old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound” (31).

Churchill concludes by restating the importance of building the special relationship he has described. This relationship will be critical to avoiding another war, which he has established as deeply undesirable. He gives a few breaths to extolling the grit and power of the British people, even as they are still recovering from the war; this description of their might is meant to entice, showcasing the added power that the United States could readily begin to tap into. Then, Churchill returns to his use of “we” and “our” to emphasize a connection already partly established. The fates of the United States and Britain are intertwined, but fortunately, the path toward a better future for the world is clear—one which entails the Rejection of Fascism and Communism.