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The distinction between rural and urban has little relevance on the early-mid 19th-century Chicago landscape. Natural, rather than human-imposed, borders determined the landscape. These borders included the southern shoreline of Lake Michigan—which provided sailors refuge from violent storms and passageways to the interior of the country—the St. Lawrence River to the east, the Mississippi River to the south, and the south branch of the Chicago River. Chicago became a central location because of its access to the rich soil, prairies, and lakes created by glaciers 13,000 years earlier. As the climate warmed, Chicago became the dividing line between the prairie grasses of the Midwest and the coniferous trees of the Northeast.
Commerce between the Potawatomi people and non-Indigenous groups who set up fur-trading posts along the Chicago River date back to the 1770s. The Potawatomi, who controlled much of the land and economy in the Chicago area by the 1830s, and the French, British, and Americans who lived in the area, practiced a mix of Indigenous and Euro-American traditions such as hunting, gathering, farming, fishing, and trading (55). However, American villages to the south and west quickly developed as lead mining centers which compromised the Indigenous and non-Indigenous traders’ economic well-being.
Sac chief Black Hawk led a group of Sac, Kickapoo, and Fox people across the Mississippi River to challenge the 1804 treaty which took away ancestral grounds along the Mississippi River where they had been living for more than two decades. Black Hawk, who declared that “land cannot be sold” (57), was outnumbered by American military and militiamen. The Americans gunned down dozens of men, women, and children as they tried to cross back over to the western side of the Mississippi River. The soldiers’ discovery of rich and fertile land around the village promoted immigration, and the American population in the area eventually outnumbered the French and Potawatomi.
With only a few exceptions, the United States government seized control of the remaining land in northeast Illinois and southeast Wisconsin. Those individuals unwilling to sell their land remained in Chicago’s outer region living off government rations, hunting the prairies, and intermixing with the white community. The government allotted large sums of money to Indian agents and traders, and within a couple of years the Potawatomi were forced out of the region to the far side of the Mississippi River. Chicago became the pinnacle of land purchase until 1837 when the real-estate market collapsed, making it impossible to sell land. The town’s survival depended on selling goods to farmers and vice-versa, and the city’s growth halted for nearly a decade.
American historian Frederick Jackson Turner offered his famous frontier thesis that the social evolution of human civilization is responsible for the “different American Wests” and that “Chicago was one end product of that evolution” (62). He believed that it was natural for the Indigenous people and traders to pave the way for cattle ranchers and farmers. For Turner and his followers, frontier development was slow and evolutionary, with cities appearing only after a long period of rural agricultural growth. However, the great 19th-century city would come to symbolize both the achievement and antithesis of the “frontier” (63).
A group of writers and scholars known as “the boosters” were responsible for hyping potential areas of economic growth. They cited geography, climate, and population as \factors impacting the growth of the American West. Exaggeration and self-interested rhetoric, however, led many town speculators to gamble fortunes on land that they hoped would develop into the heart of the next great western city.
Some boosters, influenced by the German geographer Alexander von Humboldt, predicted that climate dictated civilization. Other boosters followed S. H. Goodin’s central place theory, which suggests that cities are like stars or planets with gravitational fields. As frontier migrants displaced Indigenous communities, new villages would emerge, attracting additional population and trade.
Because of many western cities’ proximity to lakes, harbors, canals, and a fertile backcountry, they tended to develop at a faster rate than eastern cities. However, Johann Heinrich von Thünen, an educated German farmer and scholar, argued that economic success for farmers and cities was based on how much people would be willing to spend on crops and how much it cost to ship those crops to market.
Some advantages touted by the boosters also became disadvantages. Natural features like Lake Michigan and the Chicago River that made Chicago’s location ideal for commerce cost $250,000 to maintain. The sand bar at the mouth of the river reduced heavy tides, but it also made the river too shallow to float a vessel. The currents from Lake Michigan at the mouth of the Chicago River made navigation impossible, forcing vessels to anchor a distance away from town.
Canals, new roads, and railways became beneficial to merchants and farmers, though slow agricultural transportation often negatively impacted the city’s growth. Snow and ice halted trade to the East from November to May. Mud and flooded marshlands hindered horse-drawn wagons in spring, and shallow water delayed ships. Standing water from improper sewer run-off in cities made navigation equally challenging.
The distance between city and country expressed in time and expense, rather than miles, shaped the regional economy. Farmers could purchase items cheaper in Chicago because of its proximity to waterways. Lakes, the Erie Canal, and the Hudson River provided access to eastern markets, and by the 1840s, Chicago boasted 300 stores bringing in more than $1 million.
High subscription rates to the local Chicago newspaper from residents of New York City, Detroit, and Buffalo suggested that these eastern cities had an interest in Chicago’s economic well-being. By 1850, partnerships between regional towns were typical in the West. However, despite the boosters’ theories that Chicago’s location was significant, its commercial importance heightened because of the successful industry of the American Northeast (108).
State bonds financed transportation infrastructure, and construction of a canal connecting Lake Michigan with Illinois began in 1836. A year after breaking ground on the canal, the country experienced a financial panic, impacting both banks and real estate. It was not until 1848 that the canal finally opened, resulting in high demand for corn and lumber from Michigan and Wisconsin. Additionally, railroad development in 1846 increased the value of farmland along its route.
By 1860, railroads expanded from 9,000 to 30,000 miles of rail (116). In 1850, the government offered its first land grant in American history to connect the Great Lakes with the Gulf of Mexico. By 1859, Chicago accounted for one-fourth of the railroad’s freight earnings in the state of Illinois, and by 1869, the rails had connections all the way to the Pacific Ocean.
The train’s speed, power, and ability to travel long distances with larger volumes of goods replaced antiquated forms of transportation. Farmers no longer had to spend weeks making journeys to market by wagon, and they could continue trade in winter months. Reliance on human and animal energy decreased as rails shifted to coal for fuel. Rail companies owned the entire operation, thus paying to maintain all aspects of travel. Railroads also contributed to an increase in other professional areas: The rails demanded skill in coordination, management, engineering, and labor. To coordinate increased rail traffic, timekeeping became standardized over four time zones.
Chicago’s connection between eastern and western rail networks became one of its most important benefits. While Chicago citizens contributed funds to the railroads, most owners and investors lived in Boston and New York. Operating expenses paid by owners bore little connection to the volume of product sent along the rails, and fixed costs were unaffected by how much traffic the railroad carried.
Competition, however, exasperated by the need to meet fixed costs, was one of the railroad’s significant disadvantages. Goods and passengers travelling to the East needed to switch lines in Chicago since Western lines did not operate east of the city. Also, despite their older technology, ships were cheaper to operate. Shippers could move freight to Chicago by rail and then load the goods onto cheaper water vessels. By 1860, however, Chicago began capitalizing on the link they provided between the markets served by Eastern and Western railroads. Rail companies in both directions profited from Chicago and therefore promoted the city’s interests. By serving as the gateway between East and West, Chicago became the principal wholesale market for the entire midcontinent.
Part 1 of Cronon’s book situates Chicago as the mecca of western American commerce. The first two chapters build upon the preface and prologue in two ways. First, the rise to being the “central city” in 19th-century America is likened to the rise of the ancient Roman Empire. Second, Cronon spends significant time describing the intricate relationship that American authors and philosophers had with nature and the emerging cities, advancing his earlier idea that rhetoric was integral to the West’s development. Finally, Cronon introduces readers to central place theory and establishes Johann Heinrich von Thünen, an educated German farmer, as a principal figure on whom he will contrast his own theories of urban growth.
Chicago’s rise to prominence reflects both a literal and metaphorical allusion to Chicago as a great Empire, like that of Rome in ancient times. Cronon quotes an 1880s Chicago newspaperman who said, “In ancient times [...] all roads led to Rome; in modern times all roads lead to Chicago” (78). The comparison of the growth of cities like Chicago and other developing cities of the American West to the Roman Empire suggests a Darwinian evolution at play. The notion underscores the early 19th-century belief that one “empire” will automatically morph into the next larger empire and so on. Emerging 19th-century cities would mirror the progress and activities of empires that came before them.
While Cronon argues that places like New York City became an empire in the West because of its status in commerce rather than war and political upheaval—as is generally the case with ancient empires—the events leading to Chicago’s status as a central city was not without violence and warfare. Like Rome, Chicago’s future would blossom from surrounding wealth. When Black Hawk crossed the Mississippi River to protect his ancestral lands, he was met with violence, and consequently tribes that inhabited the rich, fertile areas along the river were relocated to less valuable land on the far end of the Mississippi. Although the Potawatomi did not participate in Black Hawk’s mission, they felt the effects of his actions and had readily traded in the urban fur market. However, groups like the Potawatomi did not pursue the vision of a metropolitan market—the same vision that attracted travelers to the area throughout the 1830s. They lived off the rich land in the moment, satisfying their most immediate needs. As Cronon asserts, “The Potawatomi’s own conception of the market did not extend to the lands on which they lived, at least not nearly so much as the people who supplanted them” (94). The Potawatomi, then, became victims of the market empire and the natural wealth that lined the riverbanks.
The role of rhetoric and communication in the development of the great Western cities reemerges as a theme. Cronon asserts that the center of the metropolitan empire was the marketplace of modern capitalism. As Manifest Destiny was removing Indigenous people from their land to develop more urbanized areas, so too was what author Robert Herrick termed “metropolitan destiny” contributing to the influx of consumers and merchants to the area. “The boosters” began touting Chicago’s geographic advantages. In their writings, boosters such as John Wright and William Gilpin offered new optimism for material wealth in both the city and country. The boosters romanticized the railroads as powerful forces of nature and argued that as the city grew, so would the rural region around the city. The boosters’ personal and philosophical narratives and observations were not the only form of rhetoric to contribute substantially to the growth of the city. As Cronon discusses in future chapters, the newspaper, advertising, and telegraph industries all played a significant role in establishing Chicago.
The introduction of von Thünen in these early chapters sets up a natural backdrop against which Cronon develops his own theories of the development of the American West. The Isolated State, von Thünen’s 1826 book, examines the physical and economic relationships between the city and country. He posits that, if a single city were to sit alone in the middle of a fertile plain, agricultural activities would ultimately appear in the surrounding areas (87). These areas would produce crops based on what people would be willing to pay and how much they would cost to transport. He asserts that “with increasing distance from the Town, [...] the land will progressively be given up to products cheap to transport in relation to their value” (88) Each of the agricultural areas established around town would be labeled as “zones,” and the products produced there depend heavily on demand and cost of shipment. Cronon writes, “Like von Thünen’s isolated city, Chicago was remote from all of these events. And yet no place is more central to understanding why they occurred” (150). According to Cronon, Chicago’s ascendancy is best understood when von Thünen’s theories are combined with the booster theories that persuaded elite businessmen from the East to invest substantial sums to help make Chicago’s urban dream come true.
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