56 pages • 1 hour read
To understand the global situation, Nkrumah believes, one must “understand the economic influences and pressures that stand behind the political events” (69). A seemingly unconnected series of headlines are presented by Nkrumah, who reveals the way in which their subtle interconnectedness sketches a diagram of the relationship between politics, finance, and neo-colonialism. A headline which purportedly reports on the founding of an African bank reveals, under greater scrutiny, an opaque web of Western figures associated with “the world’s most powerful private banking institutions” (71).
Through such banks, Western finance can purchase controlling shares in African companies, and thus reroute profits from Africa to the West. Nkrumah lists the names of the directors of these financial institutions; they sit on the boards of many companies and many are related to one another. They invest in one another’s financial ventures and share the profits among the small number of “incredibly powerful groups that dominate our lives on a global scale” (76).
The influence of these financial groups spreads to politics. Their interests dictate policy: Their representatives are placed highly in political and military institutions. This has created an ironic situation, Nkrumah notes, in which capitalism—supposedly based on free enterprise and competition—has “arrived at a stage where competition is being eroded to the point where pyramidal monopolies exercise dictatorial rights” (77).
Nkrumah believes that these monopolies are the natural evolution of capitalism in pursuit of profits. Banks and finance have melded with (and have now taken over) industry in this fashion. Nkrumah shows how these institutions use foreign loans to developing states to further their influence and control. The interest and repayment of these loans demands that countries such as Liberia sell their industries to foreign finance groups, which leads to these groups being able to shape policy and law in the developing countries. As such, Nkrumah says, the export of capital becomes “the dynamo of imperialism which turns the export of commodities and leads to the capture of colonies as the means of assuring monopolist control” (83).
American and European companies have partnered with African governments to “exploit new sources of primary products” (84). These ventures will not lead to the industrialization of African economies because they primarily only produce materials in basic or secondary stages; these are raw materials which are sent abroad to be processed into finished goods, rather than be processed in Africa. This limits the profits which will remain in Africa and limits the industrial growth of the African economies. As such, African natural resources are used primarily for the development of the Western world rather than Africa.
Western capitalists openly advocate for the “harmonized exploitation” (86) of resources in Latin America and Africa because cheap labor and local government assistance offer greater profits at the expense of African development. Nkrumah cites information about the rapid rise in extraction of African resources, though always in an exploitative manner.
Were Africans able to extract, control, and process raw material for the benefit of Africans, then the development of the continent would place it “among the most modernized continents of the world without recourse to outside sources” (89). Materials such as manganese and bauxite are found in abundance in Africa. Such resources are vital for steel production, but Western countries must extract these resources and others from African countries.
Nkrumah cites the ways in which mining companies in Africa are owned and operated by Western powers through firms such as the British company, B.I.S.C. (Ore) Ltd. Many of these firms are part-owned by wealthy old families such as the Rothschilds, the Morgans, and the Oppenheimers. The Agnelli family of Italy, for example, built an industrial empire through the company known as Fiat. Though Fiat is ostensibly a car manufacturer, it invests in many resource extraction ventures around the world. Through subsidiaries and other firms, Fiat is invested in beverage production, hydro-electrical dams, cement production, and much more. The company also owns lands, hotels, and tourist resorts, as well as shipping companies and oil. Fiat also builds military aircraft and publishes newspapers.
Gabon has large quantities of uranium, essential for atomic energy research. Western companies build infrastructure in Gabon with the sole purpose of extracting this uranium, while maintaining control of this infrastructure. Giants like US Steel and General Electric are invested in “many sectors of industry: radio, aviation, marine, scientific research, and turn out heavy capital goods, industrial components and materials and defense products, as well as consumer goods” (103-104).
In terms of fertilizers, Nkrumah believes that Africa has enough phosphates to “cover its future food and industrial requirements [and] leave enough over to supply the needs of many other parts of the globe” (105), yet almost all phosphate extraction is controlled by Western powers for Western benefit and profit. Since these powers then sell fertilizers at a higher rate, developing countries have less access to fertilizers made from their own resources, thus limiting their potential for development. At the same time, Western powers subsidize fertilizer costs for domestic use. As more resources are discovered in Africa, Western companies rush to invest and control their extraction in pursuit of “fabulous profits” (109).
Harry Frederick Oppenheimer is “the king of mining in South Africa” (110). As a result, he is one of the most powerful people in the entire country. He is director, chairman, or president of as many as 70 companies, meaning that he is involved in almost all industries in South Africa. His complex knot of involvement in many businesses is in a constant state of rearrangement “to forestall or meet competition, to streamline the structure and to correct the tax position” (112). Nkrumah describes the extent to which these companies’ interests span the globe, though he concedes that he has space to touch “only on the bare bones of the Consolidated Gold Fields skeletal structure” (119).
Nkrumah cites estimates that “over 50 per cent of the foreign capital invested in Africa has been poured into South Africa” (120). The Anglo-American De Beers group (part of the Oppenheimer empire) is dominant in the South African economy. The cheapness of African labor means a much greater profit for companies investing in South Africa rather than America, where workers earn 27 times as much.
South African mines produce gold, uranium, and more. Nkrumah describes the various ways in which foreign capital is invested in these mining companies. An example is Kennecott, perhaps the foremost copper producer in the United States, which is valued at more than a billion dollars. These foreign investments make vast sums from the exploitation of African labor and resources, Nkrumah notes, particularly “in a country that makes a mockery of human rights for its non-white inhabitants” (126).
Nkrumah examines the Anglo-American Corporation Ltd., which is the “biggest octopus in the Oppenheimer sea of operations” (127). The company’s undertakings involve gold, uranium, iron, asbestos, and coal. Nkrumah provides a long list of the company’s direct investments. A number of the company’s investments involve countries which operate a system of apartheid, thereby propping up the racially segregated countries in the name of profit. These Western interests “wield a preponderant influence upon the policies of their governments in relation to the African scene” (133).
The history of explicit colonial violence and exploitation involving men like Cecil Rhodes has evolved into a more obfuscated and veiled system of neo-colonialism. The system is equally as exploitative, but not as explicitly colonial. The De Beers corporation, set up by Rhodes, “still controls within its own group of companies the output and distribution of most of the world’s diamonds” (133). Rand Selection, a subsidiary of Anglo American, owns thousands of acres in South Africa and runs townships. Anglo American “governs the fate of many millions on this continent” (136) and is constantly looking to expand its domination, as it cannot afford to be overtaken.
Neo-Colonialism is Nkrumah’s attempt to shine a light on the exploitation which continues to take place in a supposedly post-colonial world. The independence granted to developing nations, he claims, is a lie. The structures and institutions which facilitate the extraction of resources and the exploitation of developing countries remain in place, which leads him into a discussion of The Implications of Foreign Interference. Put simply, neo-colonialism is a branding exercise in which Western imperialists have hidden their true intentions while continuing to profit from African labor and resources.
To prove this, Nkrumah cites examples from the media. Behind the headlines, he says, the truth about neo-colonialism can be found. In this sense, Nkrumah’s book functions as a counterpoint to Western propaganda. If ostensible independence is a branding exercise which the western media uses to hide continued exploitation, then Nkrumah will use his talents as a writer and his access to the media to counter these claims. Nkrumah’s examination of the headlines is important, as it reveals that he believes in the efficacy of such media enterprises. Likewise, his own book is an example of him using the imperialists’ tools to dismantle the imperialists’ machine.
A key argument in Nkrumah’s work is The Importance of Unity for Resistance. Whether in terms of class solidarity or Pan-Africanism (See: Background), he believes that the imperialists can be defeated if the exploited people stand together to challenge them. His discussion of Pan-Africanism, however, alludes to an uncomfortable truth: There are certain African states, even in the post-colonial world, who are happy to collaborate with Western powers. Though he rarely states this explicitly, Nkrumah believes that governments of countries such as South Africa are a threat to the potential of Pan-Africanism.
At the time of writing, South Africa was an apartheid country. Apartheid was a system of institutionalized racial segregation and discrimination that was implemented by the government from 1948 to 1994. It enforced policies that separated people based on race, giving privileges to the white minority while oppressing citizens of color, particularly Black South Africans. Apartheid laws restricted the rights of people of color in areas like education, employment, housing, and political representation.
A system of neo-colonial exploitation is not anathema to the politics of apartheid South Africa, in which the white ruling class feels more closely aligned to the Western imperialists than other African countries. In a broad sense, Nkrumah tries to frame neo-colonialism in terms of class struggle. When he encounters issues like apartheid in South Africa and other states, however, he cannot ignore the role which racism plays in continued exploitation. Nkrumah’s calls for unity are not heard by countries which are founded on principles of inherent disunity.
The meticulous manner in which Nkrumah sketches the network of neo-colonialism reflects the complexities of neo-colonial practices, reflecting The Nature of Neo-Colonialism. There are so many companies with so many names, often investing in one another to the extent that the true shape of the network is impossible to discern. At the same time, however, the deluge of information throws up recurring names. Oppenheimer and the Rothschilds, for example, appear again and again in the annals of shareholders and investors. While the effect might be initially overwhelming, Nkrumah is able to demonstrate the way in which this huge, global network of exploitation actually generates profits for a relatively small group of people.
The Western capitalists who profit most from neo-colonialism prefer to keep away from the spotlight, but Nkrumah’s rigorous detailing of their involvement reveals their culpability. Africa is being exploited to make a few men much richer, he concludes. The deluge of information has the effect of showing the extent to which such vast profits are deliberately masked. In reality, Nkrumah wants his audience to realize that unity between classes and countries is a more moral position than the continued enrichment of a few already-wealthy men.
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