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63 pages 2 hours read

Prequel: An American Fight Against Fascism

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2023

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Chapter 20-EpilogueChapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 20 Summary: “Bedlam”

Senator Burton Wheeler pressured the attorney general to replace the prosecutor. The new prosecutor was O. John Rogge, who had failed to win a conviction in the 1940 Christian Front trial. Rogge and his team decided to withdraw the previous indictments and start anew, only concentrating on charges that would stick. In 1944, Rogge released a new indictment. He alleged violations of the Smith Act, “an effort to demoralize America’s armed forces” (269). He sought to prove that the defendants had tried to recruit members of the US military to their causes in order to overthrow the US government.

Judge Edward C. Eicher presided over the trial, which began in April 1944. What ensued was “preplanned, unmitigated chaos” (244). The defendants were intentionally unruly, defiant, and disruptive, causing disorientation and frustration in the courtroom. The defendants and defense lawyers shouted at the prosecutors, drowning out their voices with insults. Some of the defendants failed to show up to court, citing excuses like dentist appointments and apartment hunting as reasons for their absence. Rogge’s painstakingly crafted statements could barely be heard over the din in court, and proceedings were marked by a halting, start-and-stop pace. What Rogge expected to take a month dragged out over several; as the summer stretched on, he still had nearly 200 witnesses to call to the stand and 9,000 documents to present. The initially strong interest from the press dwindled as the chaotic trial dragged on.

Chapter 21 Summary: “‘Paralyze the Will’”

After a two-week break, the trial resumed in September 1944. Senator Langer showed up regularly in court, adding to the disruption and showing support for the defendants. Meanwhile, Allied troops were winning victories across Europe. US troops marched toward Berlin. President Roosevelt earned a fourth term in office.

During the trial, the briefcase that Charles Slocombe had recovered from Henry Allen was a key source of evidence in Rogge’s indictment. The documents in the briefcase connected all the defendants to each other, supporting Rogge’s argument that the defendants were part of a vast and coordinated web with a concentrated objective: to disunite the US and spark a revolution that would destroy democracy. The court would have to decide whether this amounted to seditious conspiracy.

On November 29, 1944, the defendants showed up to court with franked envelopes provided by Senator Langer. They formed an assembly line, folding and stuffing the envelopes with Nazi propaganda. Judge Eicher was exhausted by the trial. While he had tried to assert control by meting out fines and punishments for various defendants and attorneys, he had not taken strong action in this regard for fear of further antagonism from US officials; members of Congress were already talking about impeaching him.

The day in court when the defendants formed a propaganda assembly line, Judge Eicher had trouble breathing. That night, he died in his sleep of a heart attack. Many believed that the stress of the trial had killed him. Faced with the decision of starting the trial all over again, the attorney general held the decision in abeyance, but it was clear that the DOJ would drop the case.

Chapter 22 Summary: “‘Wise Choices’”

In 1946, when a slim chance remained that the sedition trial would resume, Rogge and his team traveled to Germany to interview captured Nazi officials during the Nuremberg Trials. They came back to the US with evidence that supported the claim that Germany had started orchestrating a propaganda operation in the US long before the two countries were at war. When Attorney General Clark read Rogge’s initial report, he advised Rogge to remove the names of all prominent Americans from the document. When Rogge submitted his final version, Clark saw that Rogge had not scrubbed all these names, and decided to mark the report as secret and shelve it; President Truman (who succeeded Roosevelt after Roosevelt’s death in 1945) agreed with this decision. Clark and Truman believed that now that the war was over, the government should drop the matter.

O. John Rogge asked for a two-week leave of absence so that he could go on a speaking tour of the US. He felt that the public should know about just how deeply Nazi propaganda had infiltrated the country. He began his speaking tour at Swarthmore College in Philadelphia. While he wasn’t allowed to cite his report directly, he described the nature of the Nazis’ multimillion dollar schemes to sway the US.

Senator Wheeler grew angry when he found out about Rogge’s comments. He met with Truman, who was an old friend. The next day, Rogge was fired. Rogge continued to speak out about Nazi propaganda and claimed that he was writing a book based on his findings. He finally released the book in 1961, but it received almost no attention. The chapter concludes by noting that while examining America’s history with fascism is difficult, learning from the past will enable US citizens to fight fascism in the present.

Epilogue Summary

The Epilogue gives brief accounts of what happened to key figures from the book after World War II. Philip Johnson became a celebrated architect. His reputation as a Nazi sympathizer and “likely a Nazi spy” fell away and became a footnote to his legacy (310).

Lawrence Dennis remained a prominent figure of the American ultra-right. After revealing that Dennis was half Black and that he had rejected his heritage and had lived his life passing as white, the text comments that this adds more dimension to Dennis’s advice to the Nazis, specifically his suggestion that the Nazis should treat Jewish people as the US treated Black people.

William Langer was the only senator to survive the sedition trial politically. He continued to espouse racist and pro-Nazi views. Langer proposed legislation to deport all Black Americans to Africa; this was taken up as the central cause of a neo-Nazi group. He also successfully gained clemency for at least one Nazi war criminal.

George Sylvester Viereck was convicted in a retrial and sentenced to four years in prison. After his release, he continued to advise neo-Nazi parties in the US.

Leon Lewis’s legacy as a spy was largely forgotten by his death at age 65. The text takes the stance that this is an oversight and that Lewis deserves to be celebrated as a key figure who selflessly fought against fascism in the US.

Chapter 20-Epilogue Analysis

The pattern of the US federal government’s failing to effectively prosecute Nazism persists throughout these chapters. The sedition trial, initially led by General Moseley and later taken over by O. John Rogge, faced significant challenges. The deliberate disruption caused by the defendants during the trial and the unexpected death of Judge Eicher contributed to the overall chaos. The government’s inability to secure convictions, coupled with the decision to drop the case, reflects a recurring theme of inadequacy in addressing the infiltration of Nazi propaganda within the US. The compromised conclusion of the trial underscores the difficulties in confronting internal threats to democracy.

The text continues to weave together a complex web of subplots, drawing connections between the trial and previous chapters. The trial reintroduces elements mentioned earlier, such as the briefcase recovered by Charles Slocombe and Leon Lewis. The use of the documents in the briefcase as key evidence in Rogge’s indictment creates a link between different threads of the story. Rogge, previously the prosecutor in the Christian Front case, reappears, adding continuity to the text. The trial serves as a convergence point for various individuals, including Deatherage, Langer, Viereck, and others, highlighting the interconnectedness of the characters and events throughout the book.

The plot details unfold to show a continued pattern of action by brave and intrepid individuals despite, or even in opposition to, the US government, elected officials, authorities, and institutions. O. John Rogge emerges as a key figure who persisted in pursuing justice against the Nazi propaganda campaign. Despite facing resistance and eventually losing his job, Rogge went on a speaking tour to inform the public about the depth of Nazi infiltration. The text notes that Rogge understood the risk he was taking to do so: “He was probably going to be fired and he knew it. There was even a chance he would be charged with a crime. But Rogge had decided to take his chances anyway, and he kept going even after he was fired” (303). His defiance against suppression exemplifies individual bravery in the face of institutional challenges. This pattern resonates with the broader purpose of the book to showcase the resilience of those who fought against fascism, even when they faced adversity.

The book’s conclusion is bittersweet and complex, mirroring the nuanced nature of historical events. The seditious conspiracy charges did not stick, and many prominent pro-Nazi Americans continued to spread their ideologies. The fate of figures like William Langer, who survived politically and continued to promote racist and pro-Nazi views, adds a layer of complexity to the text. Despite these setbacks, the book ends by emphasizing the importance of learning from history, maintaining vigilance in upholding democratic ideals, and continuing the fight against fascism, Nazism, and antisemitism. The focus shifts to the legacy of individuals like Leon Lewis, whose contributions in countering fascism the text portrays as deserving celebration and recognition. The conclusion underscores the ongoing relevance of understanding and combating the forces that threaten democratic values.

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